In 9AD Roman Governor Auintilius Varus took a force of around 14,000 legionaries,
800 to 900 cavalry and about the same number of auxiliary troops, half of the Roman forces guarding the Rhine, and marched
into Germania.In the TeutoburgForest he was met by the Chief of the Cherusci tribe, Arminius, and a force that took
the warriors from four tribes.During the battle all of the 14,000 legionaries,
cavalry and auxiliary troops were killed, included the Governor Varus who took his own life.This permanently halted any Roman conquest into Germania.After the battle the legion numbers XVII, XVIII, and XIX were believed to be cursed and were never used
again.
After the defeat of Varus and his three legions the Roman general Germanicus crossed the Rhine, in 13 AD, to
burry the men killed in the Teutoburg forest and retrive the eagle standards lost. In the second year of his campagin
he captured Arminius' wife, Thesnulda, who was delivered to the Romans by her own father Segestes as an act of revenge on
Arminus. In 18 AD, she was sent to Rome for Germanicus' triumph through the city, she never saw Germania again.
The son she bore Arminius while in captivity, Thumelicus, was taken to Ravenna and trained as a gladiator.
The following
is the historian Cassius Dio's account of the Varus Disater/Defeat.
Cassius Dios's History, Book 56:18-24
Scarcely had these decrees been passed, when terrible news that arrived from the province of Germany prevented them from
holding the festival. I shall now relate the events which had taken place in Germany during this period. The Romans were
holding portions of it ‹ not entire regions, but merely such districts as happened to have been subdued, so that no
record has been made of the fact ‹ and soldiers of theirs were wintering there and cities were being founded. The barbarians
were adapting themselves to Roman ways, were becoming accustomed to hold markets, and were meeting in peaceful assemblages.
They had not, however, forgotten their ancestral habits, their native manners, their old life of independence, or the power
derived from arms. Hence, so long as they were unlearning these customs gradually and by the way, as one may say, under careful
watching, they were not disturbed by the change in their manner of life, and were becoming different without knowing it. But
when Quintilius Varus became governor of the province of Germany, and in the discharge of his official duties was administering
the affairs of these peoples also, he strove to change them more rapidly. Besides issuing orders to them as if they were actually
slaves of the Romans, he exacted money as he would from subject nations. To this they were in no mood to submit, for the leaders
longed for their former ascendancy and the masses preferred their accustomed condition to foreign domination. Now they did
not openly revolt, since they saw that there were many Roman troops near the Rhine and many within their own borders; instead,
they received Varus, pretending that they would do all he demanded of them, and thus they drew him far away from the Rhine
into the land of the Cherusci, toward the Visurgis, and there by behaving in a most peaceful and friendly manner led him to
believe that they would live submissively without the presence of soldiers.
Consequently he did not keep his legions together, as was proper in a hostile country, but distributed many of the soldiers
to helpless communities, which asked for them for the alleged purpose of guarding various points, arresting robbers, or escorting
provision trains. Among those deepest in the conspiracy and leaders of the plot and of the war were Armenius and Segimerus,
who were his constant companions and often shared his mess. He accordingly became confident, and expecting no harm, not only
refused to believe all those who suspected what was going on and advised him to be on his guard, but actually rebuked them
for being needlessly excited and slandering his friends. Then there came an uprising, first on the part of those who lived
at a distance from him, deliberately so arranged, in order that Varus should march against them and so be more easily overpowered
while proceeding through what was supposed to be friendly country, instead of putting himself on his guard as he would do
in case all became hostile to him at once. And so it came to pass. They escorted him as he set out, and then begged to be
excused from further attendance, in order, as they claimed, to assemble their allied forces, after which they would quietly
come to his aid. Then they took charge of their troops, which were already in waiting somewhere, and after the men in each
community had put to death the detachments of soldiers for which they had previously asked, they came upon Varus in the midst
of forests by this time almost impenetrable. And there, at the very moment of revealing themselves as enemies instead of subjects,
they wrought great and dire havoc.
The mountains had an uneven surface broken by ravines, and the trees grew close together and very high. Hence the Romans,
even before the enemy assailed them, were having a hard time of it felling trees, building roads, and bridging places that
required it. They had with them many waggons and many beasts of burden as in time of peace; moreover, not a few women and
children and a large retinue of servants were following them ‹ one more reason for their advancing in scattered groups.
Meanwhile a violent rain and wind came up that separated them still further, while the ground, that had become slippery around
the roots and logs, made walking very treacherous for them, and the tops of the trees kept breaking off and falling down,
causing much confusion. While the Romans were in such difficulties, the barbarians suddenly surrounded them on all sides at
once, coming through the densest thickets, as they were acquainted with the paths. At first they hurled their volleys from
a distance; then, as no one defended himself and many were wounded, they approached closer to them. For the Romans were not
proceeding in any regular order, but were mixed in helter-skelter with the waggons and the unarmed, and so, being unable to
form readily anywhere in a body, and being fewer at every point than their assailants, they suffered greatly and could offer
no resistance at all.
Accordingly they encamped on the spot, after securing a suitable place, so far as that was possible on a wooded mountain;
and afterwards they either burned or abandoned most of their waggons and everything else that was not absolutely necessary
to them. The next day they advanced in a little better order, and even reached open country, though they did not get off without
loss. Upon setting out from there they plunged into the woods again, where they defended themselves against their assailants,
but suffered their heaviest losses while doing so. For since they had to form their lines in a narrow space, in order that
the cavalry and infantry together might run down the enemy, they collided frequently with one another and with the trees.
They were still advancing when the fourth day dawned, and again a heavy downpour and violent wind assailed them, preventing
them from going forward and even from standing securely, and moreover depriving them of the use of their weapons. For they
could not handle their bows or their javelins with any success, nor, for that matter, their shields, which were thoroughly
soaked. Their opponents, on the other hand, being for the most part lightly equipped, and able to approach and retire freely,
suffered less from the storm. Furthermore, the enemy's forces had greatly increased, as many of those who had at first wavered
joined them, largely in the hope of plunder, and thus they could more easily encircle and strike down the Romans, whose ranks
were now thinned, many having perished in the earlier fighting. Varus, therefore, and all the more prominent officers, fearing
that they should either be captured alive or be killed by their bitterest foes (for they had already been wounded), made bold
to do a thing that was terrible yet unavoidable: they took their own lives.
When news of this had spread, none of the rest, even if he had any strength left, defended himself any longer. Some imitated
their leader, and others, casting aside their arms, allowed anybody who pleased to slay them; for to flee was impossible,
however much one might desire to do so. Every man, therefore, and every horse was cut down without fear of resistance, and
the . . .
And the barbarians occupied all the strongholds save one, their delay at which prevented them from either crossing the
Rhine or invading Gaul. Yet they found themselves unable to reduce this fort, because they did not understand the conduct
of sieges, and because the Romans employed numerous archers, who repeatedly repulsed them and destroyed large numbers of them.
Later they learned that the Romans had posted a guard at the Rhine, and that Tiberius was approaching with an imposing
army. Therefore most of the barbarians retired from the fort, and even the detachment still left there withdrew to a considerable
distance, so as not to be injured by sudden sallies on the part of the garrison, and then kept watch of the roads, hoping
to capture the garrison through the failure of their provisions. The Romans inside, so long as they had plenty of food, remained
where they were, awaiting relief; but when no one came to their assistance and they were also hard pressed by hunger, they
waited merely for a stormy night and then stole forth. Now the soldiers were but few, the unarmed many. They succeeded in
getting past the foe's first and second outposts, but when they reached the third, they were discovered, for the women and
children, by reason of their fatigue and fear as well as on account of the darkness and cold, kept calling to the warriors
to come back. And they would all have perished or been captured, had the barbarians not been occupied in seizing the plunder.
This afforded an opportunity for the most hardy to get some distance away, and the trumpeters with them by sounding the signal
for a double-quick march caused the enemy to think that they had been sent by Asprenas. Therefore the foe ceased his pursuit,
and Asprenas, upon learning what was taking place, actually did render them assistance. Some of the prisoners were afterwards
ransomed by their relatives and returned from captivity; for this was permitted on condition that the men ransomed should
remain outside of Italy. This, however, occurred later.
Augustus, when he learned of the disaster to Varus, rent his garments, as some report, and mourned greatly, not only because
of the soldiers who had been lost, but also because of his fear for the German and Gallic provinces, and particularly because
he expected that the enemy would march against Italy and against Rome itself. For there were no citizens of military age left
worth mentioning, and the allied forces that were of any value had suffered severely. Nevertheless, he made preparations as
best he could in view of the circumstances; and when no men of military age showed a willingness to be enrolled, he made them
draw lots, depriving of his property and disfranchising every fifth man of those still under thirty-five and every tenth man
among those who had passed that age. Finally, as a great many paid no heed to him even then, he put some to death. He chose
by lot as many as he could of those who had already completed their term of service and of the freedmen, and after enrolling
them sent them in haste with Tiberius into the province of Germany. And as there were in Rome a large number of Gauls and
Germans, some of them serving in the pretorian guard and others sojourning there for various reasons, he feared they might
begin a rebellion; hence he sent away such as were in his body-guard to certain islands and ordered those who were unarmed
to leave the city.
This was the way he handled matters at that time; and none of the usual business was carried on nor were the festivals
celebrated. Later, when he heard that some of the soldiers had been saved, that the Germanies were garrisoned, and that the
enemy did not venture to come even to the Rhine, he ceased to be alarmed and paused to consider the matter. For a catastrophe
so great and sudden as this, it seemed to him, could have been due to nothing else than the wrath of some divinity; moreover,
by reason of the portents which occurred both before the defeat and afterwards, he was strongly inclined to suspect some superhuman
agency. For the temple of Mars in the field of the same name was struck by lightning, and many locusts flew into the very
city and were devoured by swallows; the peaks of the Alps seemed to collapse upon one another and to send up three columns
of fire; the sky in many places seemed ablaze and numerous comets appeared at one and the same time; spears seemed to dart
from the north and to fall in the direction of the Roman camps; bees formed their combs about the altars in the camps; a statue
of Victory that was in the province of Germany and faced the enemy's territory turned about to face Italy; and in one instance
there was a futile battle and conflict of the soldiers over the eagles in the camps, the soldiers believing that the barbarians
had fallen upon them.
For these reasons, then, and also because . . .
Tiberius did not see fit to cross the Rhine, but kept quiet, watching to see that the barbarians did not cross. And they,
knowing him to be there, did not venture to cross in their turn.